Washington Targets Colombia’s Progressive President in Unprecedented Sanctions Move
Human rights attorney and legal counsel for Gustavo Petro in the United States, Dan Kovalik, calls U.S. sanctions against the Colombian President “a threat to democracy.”
By Teri Mattson, CODEPINK
In a dramatic escalation of U.S.-Colombian tensions, President Gustavo Petro of Colombia has been sanctioned by the United States over allegations of drug trafficking, a move his legal counsel calls politically motivated and potentially destabilizing for the region. The sanctions, announced on Friday, October 24, mark a rare confrontation between Washington and a sitting Colombian leader, a country historically regarded as a steadfast U.S. ally in Latin America.
Dan Kovalik, a human rights and labor attorney, political activist, and author, recently accepted the role of representing President Petro in the United States. Kovalik, who previously taught international human rights at the University of Pittsburgh School of Law and served as in-house counsel for the United Steel Workers, has a long history of litigating cases involving human rights violations in Colombia. His work has included lawsuits under the Alien Tort Claims Act against major corporations implicated in egregious abuses, including Coca-Cola, Drummond and Occidental Petroleum, highlighting systemic violence and exploitation against labor organizers and social movements in the region.
Speaking from Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, in a special edition of WTF is Going On in Latin America and the Caribbean, Kovalik described the sanctions as “not just a personal threat to President Petro and his family, but a significant risk to Colombia’s economic stability and political sovereignty.”
The sanctions effectively place Petro on the U.S. Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) list, often referred to as the “Clinton list,” which blacklists individuals from accessing U.S. financial institutions, engaging in business with American companies, or traveling to the United States. Because of the pervasive influence of the U.S. financial system, such measures have far-reaching consequences beyond U.S. borders. Kovalik explained that Colombian banks holding Petro’s accounts have frozen them out of caution, fearing secondary sanctions, demonstrating the cascading impact of overcompliance by global financial institutions.
“These sanctions could impact Colombia’s broader economy,” Kovalik warned. “Companies may hesitate to engage with the country at all. This is a very serious situation.”
Petro, who has vocally opposed U.S. interventions abroad, including in Venezuela, has consistently positioned himself as a defender of national sovereignty. In an X post shared on October 30, Petro stated: “The world knows that Trump is persecuting me because I opposed the genocide in Gaza and the crime in the Caribbean, and not because I was carrying cocaine or because I had a mafia niece and sister-in-law, or uncle, or because I was in Pablo Escobar’s cartel with dad’s friend of the Ochoa and things like that.”
The history of U.S. involvement in Colombia provides critical context for understanding the significance of the sanctions. Kovalik traced intervention back to 1962, when the U.S. first implemented the so-called National Security Doctrine in response to the rise of liberation theology. General William Yarborough, a key architect of the policy, outlined plans to establish paramilitary groups capable of carrying out violent acts against union leaders, indigenous leaders, and other social movement organizers, while providing deniability to the official military.
“The Colombian military has historically been closely linked with paramilitary death squads,” Kovalik explained. “This was not unique to Colombia — it set a precedent that influenced counterinsurgency operations in El Salvador, Iraq, and even Vietnam. Colombia has, for decades, been the laboratory for U.S. military intervention in Latin America.”
The early 2000s saw the formalization of U.S. influence in Colombia through Plan Colombia (referred to as Plan Washington within Colombia) — a $10 billion military assistance program ostensibly aimed at combating drug trafficking. Kovalik and colleagues at the Steel Workers Union became involved due to the staggering human toll, as thousands of union leaders were killed during this period, a figure unparalleled worldwide. Petro himself gained prominence as a senator for exposing the so-called “parapolitical scandal,” which revealed links between Colombian politicians and paramilitary groups.
Petro’s election as president in 2022 represented a seismic shift in Colombian politics. Following decades of ultraright administrations aligned with U.S. interests, Petro, a former guerrilla member of the M19 movement, campaigned on progressive policies, including drug substitution programs and social reforms. His vice president, Francia Márquez, an Afro-Colombian leader, symbolized a broader push for inclusion and equity in Colombia’s government.
Yet, Petro’s rise has not gone unnoticed in Washington. Shortly before his sanctioning, Petro announced Colombia’s withdrawal as a NATO Global Partner, a move Kovalik suggests may have triggered the punitive measures. “That alone is reason for the U.S. to sanction him,” Kovalik noted.
Petro’s increasingly vocal activism — particularly his condemnation of the genocide in Gaza during a speech at the United Nations General Assembly on September 23 — has further heightened tensions. His public calls for a military intervention to protect Palestinians in Gaza, as well as participation in protests alongside figures such as Roger Waters, demonstrate his willingness to challenge U.S. policies publicly, a factor Kovalik cites as central to the sanctions.
Kovalik explained his strategy for representing Petro in the U.S., focusing on challenging the OFAC designation. “We plan to raise constitutional issues, including due process and First Amendment protections,” he said. “The First Amendment protects non-citizens as well, and Petro was exercising his right to free speech while in New York City. We will argue this is retaliation for his public positions, not legitimate legal grounds.”
The practical effects of the sanctions have been immediate and tangible. Petro’s presidential plane, en route from Saudi Arabia, was initially refused refueling by a U.S.-affiliated company in Spain, forcing the Spanish government to intervene and provide fuel at a military facility. Kovalik described this as a prime example of “overcompliance,” illustrating how U.S. sanctions extend their influence globally and complicate diplomatic and logistical operations for sanctioned leaders.
The broader implications for regional stability are significant. Petro has pledged that Colombia would resist any U.S. intervention in neighboring Venezuela, a stance that represents a departure from past administrations. Kovalik warned, “The sanctions are likely intended to preempt Petro’s political influence, particularly with regard to his successor, Iván Cepeda Castro, a member of the Communist Party of Colombia. The timing is telling.”
Beyond Colombia, the sanctions form part of a larger pattern of U.S. foreign policy tactics in the hemisphere. Kovalik highlighted the deadly consequences of U.S.-imposed economic measures, which have historically contributed to migration crises, restricted access to medicines, and resulted in significant civilian casualties. He compared these effects to direct military action, arguing that sanctions should be considered a form of silent warfare.
“The U.S. government presents sanctions as a neutral policy tool, but they cause real human suffering,” Kovalik said. “The recent strikes in the Caribbean and Pacific demonstrate that violence and terror are now being deployed to maintain control over the region.”
Petro’s defense in the U.S., according to Kovalik, is about more than personal or political survival. It is also a challenge to the broader imperial reach of the U.S., and, according to Kovalik, its allied military-industrial networks. “Petro is effective at what he’s doing,” Kovalik said. “He’s challenging both the U.S. and Israeli parts of the empire, simultaneously. That’s the real reason he’s been sanctioned — because he works, and he is effective.”
Despite the pressures, Petro continues to assert his vision for a sovereign and socially responsible Colombia. His administration’s progressive initiatives and vocal criticism of human rights violations abroad reflect a broader strategy of principled resistance against interventionist policies, setting a potential precedent for other Latin American nations navigating U.S. influence.
The sanctions also underscore the importance of legal advocacy and international awareness. Kovalik’s involvement highlights how attorneys and human rights defenders can provide critical support for leaders facing extraterritorial legal actions. “He needs as many friends as he can get,” Kovalik said, noting that the case will be challenging but grounded in constitutional protections.
As the situation unfolds, civic engagement remains a key avenue for accountability. Activist organizations such as CODEPINK have launched petitions urging U.S. military officials, including Admiral Alvin Holsey, head of the U.S. Southern Command, to speak out against increasing militarization in the Caribbean. Kovalik’s perspective emphasizes that international and domestic attention can influence policy and potentially mitigate further escalation.
The sanctions against Gustavo Petro mark a significant moment in U.S.-Latin American relations, revealing both the reach of U.S. economic power and the potential consequences for national sovereignty and regional stability. As Kovalik explained, the case will not only test legal mechanisms in the United States but also serve as a focal point for debates on democracy, human rights, and the limits of U.S. influence in the hemisphere.
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Teri currently works with the Venezuela Solidarity Network. She is an activist with the SanctionsKill coalition and CODEPINK’s Latin America team. Her writing can be found at Anti-War.com, CommonDreams, Jacobin, and LAProgressive. Additionally, she hosts and produces the YouTube program and podcast WTF is Going on in Latin America & the Caribbean.